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handful of times in Congress, Hamilton realized that in order to pass the legislation, he would need to assuage southern fears that New York was going to become a pro-British haven where politicians and bankers intermingled He needed to appeal to fretful southerners, particularly to Jefferson Here was the perfect opportunity Jefferson invited Hamilton and James Madison over to discuss a compromise of sorts that would reward land holders near the Potomac: let New York be the commercial capital, while making Philadelphia the nation s temporary and Washington the permanent political capital In a grand compromise, the three men decided that commerce would be centered in New York, but laws would be passed in Philadelphia (with a commitment to move to the Potomac eventually) Now the fear of having Anglophile speculators near the seat of government a threat to the very nature of the country s independence could be put to rest, or so it seemed Hamilton held out extraordinarily high expectations for the men he believed should steward the new republic s economy men of wealth, but altruistic enough to value the nation s financial growth over their own All too often, however, Hamilton s friends fell far short of his expectations, abusing their proximity to him in order to leverage their own investments As a result, many Hamiltonians became the object of manhunts or lynch mobs, and eventually found themselves in debtors prisons (Assistant Treasury Secretary William Duer lived out his final days in one) Thus commenced the long-standing, uneasy, and often distrustful symbiotic relationship between Main Street and Wall Street that exists to this day Hamilton wasn t content merely with having his bank in New York Relying on the necessary and proper clause in the Constitution, he envisaged a bank with powers that could influence and centralize the government, even if the founding fathers had not expressly consented
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14 DON T BLAME THE SHORTS
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to that power The bank was capitalized through the sale of stock, and the shares soared Cognizant that many speculators were more than game, Hamilton enabled investors to buy a call option With a $25 deposit, investors were able to buy shares at par and pay off the balance over an 18-month period16 In 1791, while visiting Manhattan to celebrate the capitalization of the new bank, Jefferson observed countless examples of so-called rabble lugging bags of silver and gold to the city to buy scrip There was such fervor for the paper that bank clerks were run over when the subscription began ( scrip and scrippomania were terms for subscription ) Their value skyrocketed and only plateaued when banks refused to extend additional credit to some of the most aggressive speculators Thus one of the century s most exuberant lexicon entries of the period, scrippomania, was coined Two things about the country s reaction to speculation became apparent from this period First, it became clear that borrowers would tolerate continued speculation as long as they had access to credit However, once credit tightened or disappeared altogether, speculators would be blamed It would become the bane of the farmer to sell his products in unpredictable markets controlled by bankers, whose hands had never worked the land, thereby exacerbating an already deepseated distrust of banks and paper in all its forms As John Adams said:
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The stock-jobbers will become the praetorian head of the Government, at once its tool and its tyrant, bribed by its largesse and overawing it by clamours and combinations17
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Siding with an agrarian ideal, Jefferson, Adams, and Madison believed that making money from money was useless An aristocracy of bank paper is as bad as the nobility of France or England, Jeffer-
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